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SOME NOTICES 

of 

Samuel Gorton, 

ONE OF THE FIRST SETTLERS OF WARWICK, R. I., 
DURING HIS RESIDENCE AT 

PLYMOUTH, PORTSMOUTH, AND PROVIDENCE: 

chiefly derived from early 

Manuscripts; 

WITH A BRIEF INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 

" Truth 19 the eye of Iliatory." — PolyUus. 



BOSTON: 
PRINTED BY COOLIDGE AND WILEY, 

1850. 



33frfl 









iff 



PREFACE. 

The subject of this notice needs no formal introduction 
to the reader of our early local history. The somewhat 
conspicuous part which he played in that drama of real 
life in which our Puritan Ancestors were the immediate 
actors, has secured to him a prominent place in the Annals 
of New England. 

This notice was prepared for the July number of 
the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 
and twenty-five copies only have been reprinted in this form, 
for private distribution. 

Charles Deane. 

Cambridge, July 1, 1850. 



SOME NOTICES 



OF 



SAMUEL GORTON 



Samuel Gorton, " a citizen of London," was born at Gorton, in 
England, in the early part of the seventeenth century. He arrived at 
Boston in 1636, where he resided probably but for a short period ; and 
thence went to Plymouth. The reasons for his removal from the 
Massachusetts colony are variously given. Knowles, in his life of 
Roger Williams, says : " Here, his religious opinions and conduct occa- 
sioned, as we are told, much disturbance, and he removed to Plymouth, 
in 1637." It is not unlikely that he took part in the antinomian con- 
troversy, which was raging in the Massachusetts Colony at that time, 
and connected himself, as he naturally would, with what proved to be 
the weaker party. Cotton, in his reply to Williams, in the appendix to 
the Bloody Tenet, page 5, says: " Gorton at first arrived in our Bay, and 
continued a while in our Towne, till a reverened Minister in London, 
(Mr. Walker) sent over Directions to some friends, to demand an 
£100 debt of him, which he having borrowed of a Citizen, the Citizen 
bequeathed it to some good use, whereof Mr. Walker was called to 
some Trust. But then Mr. Gorton departed out of this Jurisdiction to 



6 Notice of Samuel Gorton. 

Plymouth," &c. This statement has been copied both by Hubbard 
and Mather ; but one writer, who erroneously attributes the passage to 
Mather, questions its truth, on the ground that an escape to Plymouth 
would not necessarily be an escape from his creditor. 

However cordial his reception at Plymouth may have been at first, — 
for Morton tells us, " he gave some hopes that he would have proved an 
useful instrument," — it is certain that he soon rendered himself obnox- 
ious to the good people of that colony. This same writer says tha he, 
" by little and little, discovered himself to be a proud and pestilent 
seducer, and deeply leavened with blasphemous and familistical opinions," 
&c. Morton also tells us, that he fell into a controversy with Mr. Smith, 
their late minister at Plymouth, and was summoned to appear at the 
Court held there the " fourth of December, 1638, to answer the said Mr. 
Smith's complaint ; and there he carried so mutinously and seditiously, 
as that he was for the same, and for his turbulent carriages towards both 
magistrates and ministers in the presence of the Court, sentenced to 
find sureties for his good behaviour, during the time he should stay in 
the jurisdiction, which was limited to fourteen days, and also amerced 
to pay a considerable fine." 

In a document we publish concerning Gorton, on another page, it is 
said, that " The first complaynt that came against him for w c h hee was 
brought before athorety, was by M r . Ralph Smith, who being of Gortons 
aquaintance Reccuid him & his famely in to his house." Gorton 
afterwards " becomming trublesom, » * * Mr. Smyth desired him to prouid 
elcewhere for himself; but Gorton Refused sayeing hee had as good 
intrist in the house as Mr. Smith had." He was then brought before 



Notice of Samuel Gorton. 7 

the Court, who ordered him to " prouid other ways for him self by a 
time apointed." Some time after this, for an alleged contempt of 
Court, — in opposing the course taken with a woman of Gorton's 
acquaintance, who came to Plymouth, and was complained of for 
"vnworthy & ofenciue speeches," — "hee was comitted till hee 
could procure surties for his good behauior till y c next Court, which 
was a ginorall Court." That time having arrived, Gorton was called 
before the Court, where he exhibited great insolence and contumacy ; so 
much so, that " diuers peopel being present, desired leaue of y e Gou- 
ernor to speake complayning of his seditious carriag & requested the 
Court not to suffer these abucesses, but to inflict condigen punishment, 
& yet notwithstanding, all wee did to him was but to take the 
forfiture of his foresayd bonds for his good behauior: nay being but low 
& poor in his estate wee took not aboue 8 or 10 pound of it least it 
might lye to heauey upon his wife & Children." He was, however, 
ordered to " geet new surties for his behauiour, tell y c next ginorall 
Court or till shuch time as hee departed y c Gouerment." He procured 
his sureties, but immediately left for Rhode Island. 

Gorton's own account of these proceedings differs somewhat from the 
foregoing. In his letter to Morton, he says : " A difference betweene 
Mr. Ralph Smith and my selfe was not the ocation of Plimouths dealing 
with me, **** If you had recorded truly you should haue made report 
of Plimouths dealing with me had bin their threatning of a widow one 
Ellin Aldridge whom they said they would send out of the Collony as a 
yacabond * * * when as nothing was laid to her charge, only it was 
whispered priuatly that she had smiled in your congregation, whervpon 



8 Notice of Samuel Gorton. 

it may bo the Church grew iealous that she did not well like your 
Doctrine and graue pollished Church order, And she hauing bin a 
woman of good report in England and newly come ouer, being carefull 
of her credit she fled into the woods to escape the shame which was 
threatened to bo put upon her, there remaining seuerall dayes and nights, 
at the least part of the nights and absented her self againe before people 
stirred in the morning ; my speaking on her behalfe (she being then my 
wiues servant) was the ocation that riimouths government tooke to deale 
with me." He says he was then called before a Court to be examined, 
" and one of them inlarging vpon a point agravating the matter more 
then it deserued, I said he spake hyperbollically wherevpon they asked 
your Elder then present, what was the meaning of that word, and he 
was pleased to expound it that I told the magistrate that he lyed." 
Morton, it will be perceived, makes no mention of the proceedings with 
Gorton, relative to his " wiues servant." The other narrative, from 
which wo have extracted above, makes mention of this, but assigns the 
difficulty with Mr. Smith, as furnishing the occasion of the first 
complaint against him. Concerning this difficulty with Mr. Smith, 
Gorton says that he knows no occasion of offence that he gave him, 
" vnlesse it was because his [Smiths] ancient wife and others of his 
family frequented mine vsually morning and euening in the time of 
family exercises, and so did a religious maid liuing then with your 
teacher Mr. Reyner, mistriss Smith often expressing her self how glad 
she was that she could come into a family where her spirit was 
refreshed in the ordinances of god as in former dayes which she said 
was much decayed and allmost worne out of religion since she came to 



Notice of Samuel Gorton. 9 

Plimouth ; In this offence taken by Mr. Smith he applied himselfe to 

the gouernment of Plimouth for help to breake his couenant made with 

my self, I hairing hired one part of his house for the terme of foure 

whole yeares." Gorton says, he was " perswaded to put the matter to 

arbitterment the men were apointed, my writings deliuered," &c. ; 

but they " were comanded out of their hands by the Gouernour," 

and " the Court proceeded to fine and banishment, together with 

sentence giuen that my family should depart out of my owne hired 

house, within the space of fourteene dayes vpon the penalty of another 

great summe of money (besides my fine paid) and their further wrath 

and displeasure, which time to depart fell to be in a mighty storme of snow, 

as I haue seene in the country, my wife being turned out of doore in the 

said storme with a young child sucking at her breast," &c. 

It is somewhat difficult, from these narratives, to point out the exact 

line of truth. There can be but little doubt that Gorton's opinions 

were offensive to the people at Plymouth; and, whatever may have 

been the immediate occasion of their dealing with him, his heresies must 

have swelled the tide of feeling against him. It is not unlikely that he 

exercised the office of preacher at Plymouth to those who would listen 

to him ; and Cotton describes him as a " proditious minter of exhorbitant 

novelties, (the very dregs of Familisme)." On the other hand, it is 

equally clear that Gorton was turbulent and contumacious ; that he was 

a man of violent passions, and easily excited to contention. His 

peculiar views of society and government, also, whatever they may 

have been, were, without doubt, questionable in their character, and 

disorganizing in their tendency. 

3 



10 Notice of Samuel Gorton. 

The precise time that Gorton left Plymouth for Rhode Island, is not 
known. Callender says he came there in June, 1638. Staples, even 
more minute, says he was received an inhabitant there, on the 
20th of June, of that year. Unfortunately, he gives us no authority 
for this date ; but if he and Callender are correct, Morton must 
have erred, in stating that Gorton was brought before the Court 
at Plymouth, the 4th of December, 1638. Staples thinks that Morton 
has anticipated a whole year in this ; that it must have been in 
1637. The complaint, to which he was called to answer at that time, 
was made by Mr. Smith ; and Morton says he was ordered to leave the 
jurisdiction in fourteen days. " In some short time after he departed 
to Rhode Island." Gorton himself, associates his banishment with 
Smith's complaint, and says he was ordered to depart within the space 
of fourteen days ; and intimates that he complied with the order. Sup- 
posing this to have occurred in December, 1637, Gorton and his 
family must have gone to Aquetneck before the period of the settlement 
there, which is altogether improbable. The settlement at Portsmouth was 
made in March, 1638. In the narrative published on another page, the 
order of events relating to Gorton's different arraignments at Plymouth 
is differently stated. Smith's complaint is first in order and disposed 
of, and we should infer from the narrative, in view of all the subsequent 
proceedings against him, that he must have remained there a considerable 
time after. If Morton means to state that Gorton was banished in 
December, and is correct as to the month, and if he left about that time 
for Rhode Island, he is probably correct also in the year given, 1638. 
Gorton savs that the " time to depart fell to be in a mighty storme of 



Notice of Samuel Gorton. 11 

snow," which he might have experienced in December or in March. 
The positive statements of Callender and Staples, that Gorton was at 
Aquetneck in June, 1638, are entitled to consideration. 

Gorton was welcomed by the little band at Portsmouth, the most of 
whom were outcasts from Massachusetts. " There hee had entertain- 
ment beecaus hee made them beleeue that hee was persecuted for his 
Religon at Plymouth." Winslow intimates that difference in religion 
was not the ground of " the hard measure he received at Plymouth." 
However this may have been, it is quite certain that Gorton gave no 
better satisfaction to the people at Portsmouth than he did at Plymouth. 
A detailed account of his conduct there, and of the dealings of the 
government with him, as given on the authority of an eyewitness, will 
be found on another page. These narratives, written in controversy, 
and with a view of making out a case, should, on either side, be received 
with some allowance. Whether Gorton merited the severe treatment 
he there received, may be a question. What the grounds of their pro- 
ceedings against him were, aside from those stated in the narrative 
alluded to, is not so clear. From the letter of Roger Williams to John 
AVinthrop, on another page, it cannot be doubted, that the peculiarity 
of his religious opinions, united to the spirit and manner in which they 
were presented, rendered him odious. He was opposed to the clergy 
as an established class, and probably spared no pains to vent his spleen, 
and to throw contempt and ridicule upon them. In proof of this, 
we quote from the letter of Mr. Williams, above alluded to : 
" Mr. Gorton, hauing foully abused both high & low at aquedneck, 
is now bewiching k madding poor prouidence both with his vnclean 



12 Notice of Samuel Gorton. 

& foule sensurs of all y c ministers of this Countrey, for w c h my self 
liaue in Christs name withstood him ; & allso denying all vizible & 
extarnall ordinances, »*»* all most all suck in his poyson as at first thay 
did at aquednick." Gorton's contemptuous spirit, his vehement and 
abusive manner gave more offence, possibly, than his heresies. 
It seems he was successful in making some converts to his opinions. 
Gorton has been accused of being opposed to civil magistracy. Whether 
he was or not, he had but little respect for those in authority. He says, 
however, that he carried himself, " obeidiently to the Gouernment of 
Plimouth, so farre as it became me at the least, • • • * ffor I vnderstood 
that they had Comission wherin authoritie was deriued, which authoritie 
I reuerenced ; but Rhode Island at that time had none, therfore no 
authoritie legally deriued to deale with me Neither had they the 
choice of the people, but set vp themselues, I know not any more that 
was present in their Creation but a Clergie man who blessed them in 
their inauguration, and I thought my selfe as fitt and able to gouerne 
my selfe and family, * * » as any that were then vpon Rhode Island." 
Entertaining such notions of the government at Rhode Island, he 
probably did not hesitate to express them. 

Gorton must have behaved unseemly at Portsmouth, and must have 
outraged the feelings of that little community to no inconsiderable extent, 
to have warranted them in resorting to the extremities of the whipping- 
post. A reference to his " presentment" by the Grand Jury at that 
place, may shed some light upon this point. 

From Aquetneck, Gorton went to Providence. Staples says, " at 
what time, cannot be ascertained, though it was before November 17, 



Notice of Samuel Gorton. 13 

1641." Callender says, " he tarried in Rhode Island till 1G39-40." 
We know from Williams's letter to Winthrop, quoted above, dated 8th 
March, 1641, N. S., that at that time he had been in Providence long 
enough to involve himself deeply in controversy, and to bring the 
majority of the inhabitants over to his views. At the time of his 
punishment at Portsmouth, soon after which he left the Island, it is 
said that " the weather was very cold." Roger Williams gave 
Gorton a kind reception at Providence, though he had no sympathy 
with his peculiar views. That colony, at that time, had no charter of 
government, and " the inhabitants were associated together by a few 
brief articles of voluntary agreement." It is said that Gorton was 
never enrolled as' an inhabitant of that town. Mr. Williams says : 
" Sume few & my self doe withstand his inhabitation and towne priue- 
lidges without Confession k reformation of his vnsiuell & inhuman 
practises at portsmouth." Gorton, however, " in January, 1641-2, 
purchased land at Pawtuxet, in the south part of the territory, then 
included under the name of Providence, and within the limits of the 
present town of Cranston." Here " he was soon joined by a number 
of persons, who were expelled from Aquetneck on account of their 
attachment to his principles," or to himself personally. 

Before Gorton's arrival at Providence, a dispute had sprung up 
among the inhabitants respecting the boundaries of their lands. Gorton 
took part in this quarrel, which, though restrained for a time by 
Williams, soon became serious ; and it is said that " some few drops of 
blood on either side" were shed. The party to which Gorton was 
attached prevailed, and the " weaker party " applied to the Massachu- 



14 Notice of Samuel Gorton. 

setts government for aid and counsel. Their petition, which is in the 
handwriting of Benedict Arnold, is dated the 17th November, 1641, 
and is signed by Arnold and twelve others. It will be found on another 
page. This petition was not signed by Roger Williams. We have 
seen that he had previously written a letter to Winthrop, in which he 
set forth his grievances, and expressed his fears as to the result of 
Gorton's demeanor at Providence. 

The Massachusetts government did not grant the prayer of the 
petitioners. Winthrop says, " We answered them, that we could not 
levy any war, &c, without a general court. For counsel we told them, 
that except they did submit themselves to some jurisdiction, either 
Plymouth or our's, we had no calling or warrant to interpose in their 
contentions, but if they were once subject to any, then they had a calling 
to protect them." The disturbances continuing, four of the aggrieved 
party at Pawtuxet, (William Arnold, Robert Cole, William Carpenter, 
and Benedict Arnold,) in September, 1642, " appeared before the 
General Court, at Boston, and yielded themselves and their lands, to be 
governed and protected by Massachusetts. They were accepted," and 
the latter government immediately extended her jurisdiction over the 
whole colony of Providence; and, on the 28th of October, 1642, gave them 
notice to the effect that William Arnold and others had submitted to 
their jurisdiction, and if they had any complaints to make, or any cause 
to try, the courts of Massachusetts were open to them. 

The justice of the course pursued by the Massachusetts government 
in this affair has been questioned. Providence was beyond her char- 
tered limits, and the right to extend her laws or authority over another 



Notice of Samuel Gorton. 15 

colony, merely at the request of a minority of the people of that colony, 
may well be doubted. Indeed, her jurisdiction was clearly confined 
within her chartered limits. This act aroused the indignation of Gorton 
and his associates, and they sent a letter to the " men of Massachusetts," 
of great length, couched in no gentle language, and filled with discussions 
of theology, and other matters difficult to be understood. On the 
reception of this letter, the chief men, magistrates, and ministers, 
according to Gorton, took counsel together ; " and they perusing of our 
writings, framed out of them twenty six particulars, or thereabouts, 
which they said were blasphemous." 

After this letter had been despatched to the Bay, Gorton and his 
friends thought it the part of prudence to retire from Pawtuxet. They 
accordingly took up their residence at Shawomet, now Old Warwick, 
and purchased of Miantonomo, in January, 1642-3, a tract of land, 
which " now comprises the town of Coventry, and nearly the whole of 
the town of Warwick." Here Gorton expected to remain unmolested ; 
but he was mistaken. Pomham, Sachem of Shawomet, laid claim to 
the lands which he and his companions had purchased at that place. 
Although Pomham had signed the deed of sale, yet he said he did it 
through fear of Miantonomo, and never received any of the price of the 
land ; he also denied the right of Miantonomo to control him, claiming 
to be independent himself. It is difficult to determine the truth of these 
matters, at this day ; but it is affirmed, with much confidence, that this 
chief, and Sacononoco, Sachem of Pawtuxet,who made similar complaints, 
were subject to Miantonomo ; that Miantonomo had the right to direct the 
sale of the land, and that the purchase of Gorton and his companions 



16 Notice of Samuel Gorton. 

was valid. However this may be, Pomliam and Sacononoco came to 
Boston in June, 1643, subjected themselves to the Massachusetts govern- 
ment, and claimed their protection. They were accepted, and, on the 12th 
day of September, a warrant was issued " against the inhabitants of 
Shawomet, summoning them to appear at the General Court, then con- 
vened at Boston, to answer the complaints of Pomham and Sacononoco." 
Gorton and company declined the summons, declaring that they were be- 
yond the jurisdiction of Massachusetts ; in answer to which they were 
informed that a commission would be sent to Shawomet, to investigate the 
whole matter in dispute. That such commission would be attended with a 
" sufficient guard " to protect it from " violence or injury." Notice of 
their approach being given, the people of Shawomet despatched a letter 
to the commissioners, giving them to understand that, if they came as 
friends to settle difficulties, they were welcome ; but if they came in any 
" hostile way," they came at their peril. The reply of the commis- 
sioners to this letter was any thing but conciliatory, and was well 
calculated to excite alarm. They soon approached the feeble settlement, 
with every demonstration of hostility, while Gorton made preparation 
for defence. After an unsuccessful attempt at negotiation, the affair 
terminated in Gorton and his party, to the number of eleven, being 
taken prisoners and carried to Boston. Gorton says they capitulated, 
and consented to accompany the commissioners, provided they might go 
as " free men and neighbors." But they were treated as prisoners, 
and, on their arrival at Boston, were thrown into the common jail, 
without either " bail or mainprise." 

At the next session of the General Court, the prisoners were brought 



Notice of Samuel Gorton. 17 

up, and the following charge exhibited against them. " Upon much 
examination, and serious consideration of your writings, with jour 
answers about them, we do charge you to be a blasphemous enemy of 
the true religion of our Lord Jesus Christ and his holy ordinances, and 
also of civil authority among the people of God, and particularly in this 
jurisdiction." Previous to this, Gorton and his companions had passed 
through a severe ordeal of examination, by the court and the elders, 
relative to their theological opinions. The main charge brought against 
them seems to have been heresy, as will be seen by the minute account of 
their examination in Winthrop's Journal and in Gorton's narrative. 
All but three of the magistrates thought that Gorton ought to be put 
to death ; but the greater part of the deputies dissented. The sen- 
tence which he finally received was cruel. He was ' ordered to be 
confined to Charlestown, there to be kept at work, and to wear such 
bolts or irons as might hinder his escape ; and if he broke his confine- 
ment, or by speech or writing published or maintained any of the 
blasphemous or abominable heresies wherewith he had been charged 
by the general court, or should reproach or reprove the churches of 
our Lord Jesus Christ in these United colonies, or the civil government, 
&c, that upon conviction thereof, upon a trial by jury, he should suffer 
death.' Six of the other prisoners were sentenced to be confined on 
the same conditions, and were sent to different towns in the Colony. 
Gorton's sentence was dated " the 3d of the 9th month, 1643." 

Gorton and his companions were released from confinement in 
January, 164-1. They received their liberty on the following terms : 
" that if they, or any of them, shall after fourteen days after such 

5 



18 Notice of Samuel Gorton. 

enlargement come within any part of our jurisdiction, either in Massa- 
chusetts, or in or near Providence, or any of the lands of Pomham or 
Sachonocho, or elsewhere within our jurisdiction, then such person or 
persons shall be apprehended, • * * « and shall suffer death by course of 
law." These unhappy schismatics and outcasts then wended their way 
towards their home at Shawomet. They were soon informed, in a reply 
to a letter which they addressed to Governor "Winthrop, that Shawomet 
was included in their order of banishment ; and, as was their intention 
when they left Massachusetts, they continued their journey to Rhode 
Island. There they hired houses and grounds to plant upon for the 
preservation of their families. It would seem from Gorton's account, 
that their residence here was not agreeable to Massachusetts, and that 
proposals were made to the authorities of the Island, to have him and 
his companions delivered up into their hands again ; but that " the 
people of the Island did altogether dislike and detest any such course 
to be held with us." Gorton's narrative of all these proceedings is 
very minute, and, if mainly to be relied upon, reflects no credit on the 
Massachusetts authorities. Their whole conduct towards Gorton and 
his companions, from about the period of their removal to Shawomet, 
until their summary banishment from the Massachusetts colony, was 
atrocious. 

It may not be out of place here to state that Plymouth Colony laid 
claim to the territory which embraced Shawomet, as being within 
the bounds of her patent ; and that the " Commissioners for the United 
Colonies," on complaint of the Massachusetts Government against Gor- 
ton and his companions then living at Shawomet, passed an Act, on 



Notice of Samuel Gorton. 19 

the 7th of September, 1643, authorizing that Government to " proceed 
against them according to what they shall find just." 

In the year 1644, Gorton, with his friends, Houlden and Greene, 
went to England. " They carried with them the Act of submission of 
the Narragansett Indians to the English Government. On their arrival 
in England, they presented to the Commissioners of Foreign Plantations, 
appointed by Parliament, a memorial against the Colony of Massachusetts, 
for the violent and injurious expulsion of themselves and companions 
from Shawomet." A copy of this memorial " was enclosed in the order 
passed by the Commissioners on the 15th of May, 1646, and sent to 
Massachusetts. On the receipt of it, the Colony of Massachusetts 
appointed Mr. Edward Winslow, one of the leading men in Plymouth 
Colony, their agent, to proceed to England." In 1646, Gorton pub- 
lished his " Simplicities Defence," containing a more full relation of his 
grievances. These relate mainly to his treatment by the Massachusetts 
Government. Winslow replied in a book called " Hypocrisie Vnmask- 
ed," &c. This book is of exceeding rarity. The only copy to which 
access was known, a few years since, was in the British Museum. 
Two or three copies of the work are now owned here, and, as it contains 
much valuable matter, relating to the Gorton controversy, it should be 
reprinted. It advocates the Massachusetts side of the question. 

This appeal to the commissioners resulted in instructions to the 
Massachusetts Government, not to molest those who claimed lands at 
Shawomet, and to defer the settlement of territorial claims until a more 
convenient season. Gorton returned to this country in 1648, after an 
absence of about four years. He landed at Boston, and would have 



20 Notice of Samuel Gorton. 

been arrested, but for a letter from the Earl of Warwick which he 
produced, granting him protection. He joined his companions at 
Shawomet, which was then called Warwick, in honor of the noble Earl 
of that name. This territory " was considered within the Providence 
Plantations, and was governed by the charter of 1644, though not 
named in it." Massachusetts did not relinquish her claim of jurisdiction 
till after 1651. In 1678, the year after Gorton's death, she repealed 
the act of banishment against him and his associates. After his return 
from England, Gorton continued to reside at Warwick, until his death. 

Mackie says, " Gorton is known to have had three sons, Samuel, 
John, and Benjamin ; and six daughters ; Maher, who married Daniel 
Coles ; Mary, who married Peter Greene, and afterwards John 
Sanford ; Sarah, who married William Mace ; Anna, who married John 
Warner ; Elizabeth, who married John Crandall ; and Susannah, who 
married Benj. Barton. His son, Samuel Gorton, lived to be ninety 
four years old ; and most of the children survived to a great age." 

It is somewhat difficult to form a true estimate of the character of 
Gorton. The accounts of him which have been handed down by his 
opponents, should be received with some grains of allowance. He seems 
to have been a strong lover of liberty in its largest sense, and to have 
had but little respect for authority, either civil or ecclesiastical. He 
had a strong religious sentiment, accompanied with peculiar religious 
notions. He was an enthusiast, was independent and fearless in 
expressing his opinions, and in defending what he conceived to be his 
rights. Though there is no reason to doubt that he was " conscientious," 
it i9 equally certain that he was eminently " contentious," and easily 



Notice of Samuel Gorton. 21 

exasperated. Indeed, he was a sort of firebrand in the midst of the 
little communities into which he was here thrown. Of his opinions, 
it is difficult to form a definite idea from his writings. They were 
evidently of the transcendental order. That he was a man of some talent 
and learning, his writings abundantly testify. In his letter to Morton, 
published entire in the fourth volume of Mr. Force's Historical Tracts, 
there are some passages which breathe an excellent spirit, and which 
exhibit much true eloquence. At the same time, whenever he engages 
in any religious discussion, he employs a dialect utterly incoherent to 
the uninitiated. 

Staples says that Gorton seems to have commanded the respect and 
confidence of his fellow-townsmen. That on his return from England, 
he was chosen one of the town magistrates, and was almost constantly 
employed in public business, during the remainder of his life. As he 
advanced in years, it is quite likely that his passions became more mild, 
and that the temper of his mind, through the sufferings he had experi- 
enced, was brought more in harmony with the spirit of the religion 
which he professed. 

This brief and very imperfect outline of the history of one whose 
name will ever be connected with our early Annals, is here given a3 an 
introduction merely to the document which follows.* 

* In preparing this brief sketch, I have consulted Gorton's "Simplicities Defence;" 
his Letter to Morton, published entire in Force's Tracts, Vol. IV. ; Winslow's "Hypocracie 
Vnmasked ;" Cotton's Reply to Williams, in the Appendix to " Bloody Tenent ;" Morton's 
Memorial ; Calender's Historical Discourse ; Hutchinson's Massachusetts ; Savage's 
Edition of Winthrop; Knowles's Life of Roger Williams ; Potter's His. of Narragansett, 

6 



22 Notice of Samuel Gorton. 



An answer to y b many slanders & falsehoods contained in a 
book called simplicities defence against seuen headed tolice: 
where in Samuell Gorton is proued a dissturber of siuell 
societies and a Turbulant disturber of t* pece of all Goure- 

MENTS & PLACES WHERE HEE & HIS COMPANY CALLED GORTINIONS 
EUER CAME.* 

And becaus hee often mentioneth y e hard measuer Lee Receiued at Ply- 
mouth, still carrying it on as if differance in Religion had beene y c ground of 
it, therefore I thought good here to giue the Reader to vnderstand what was 

and Mackie's Life of Gorton, in Sparks"s Am. Biog. I have extracted freely from Gorton, 
and other early writers, preferring, where it is possible, that they should speak to us in 
their own language. A few passages, from some of the modern works above men- 
tioned, have been taken, and in some instances no reference made, but the usual marks 
of quotation given. I have consulted Mr. Mackie's Memoir, with much pleasure, and 
acknowledge my indebtedness to it. I was, however, a little impressed, on its perusal, with 
the feeling, that his sympathies with his hero led him to adopt too implicitly some state- 
ments of Gorton, to the exclusion of other testimony, which is entitled to a hearing. 
Mr. Mackie, probably, had no opportunity to consult Winslow's reply to Gorton. 

* A short time since, there was placed in my hands an ancient-looking manuscript, of 
twenty six pages, which, on perusal, I found to contain a brief narrative of Samuel Gorton, 
during his residence at Plymouth, Portsmouth, and at Providence. I had never seen the 
relation there given before, and could form no idea, at first, as to its author. It contuins 
a copy of a letter from Roger Williams to John Winthrop, and also one by William 
Arnold ; neither of which had I ever seen before. In a document copied from the Mass. 
Records, and published in the Rhode Island Historical Collections, Vol.11., page 233, there is 
an allusion to this letter of Roger Williams. The paper relates to the Gorton controversy, and 
the letter is spoken of as being printed in a certain book, written in reply to Gorton's charges 
against the Massachusetts Government. It occurred to me that this might refer to Edward 



Notice of Samuel Gorton. 23 

y c Ground of his truble there, that so all men may know what Keligion this 
man is of: for y e tree is best known by its fruite. 

The first eomplaynt that came against him for w c h hee was brought before 
athorety, was by Mr Ralph Smith, who being of Gortons aquaintance Re- 

Winslow's " Hypocrisie Vnmasked," prepared and published in London, in 1646, in reply to 
Gorton's "Simplicities Defence," which appeared in London the same year ; and that the man- 
uscript alluded to might be a portion of that book. I have had the pleasure, by the kindness of 
a fortunate owner, of examining a copy of this exceedingly rare work, and find that the MS. 
is in substance a part of Winslow's book. Indeed, so far as it goes, it is almost word for 
word. That it is not a copy, I infer from the occasional variation in words and sen- 
tences, and also in the orthography, which in a literal copy would not appear. Besides, the 
MS. contains passages not to be found in the book, which would seem to favor the idea 
that the former was a portion of the original draft of the latter, though it is not in the 
handwriting of Winslow ; and, from its appearance, I should not carry it back quite to 
that period. In copying the MS., I have taken some liberty with the punctuation. 

Winslow's book is divided into three parts. From the commencement to page sixty- 
two inclusive.it consists mainly of documents that were probably furnished him by the 
Massachusetts government, to answer the charge of Gorton before the Commissioners. 
In this first part, with a good many other documents, are found the letters of Williams 
and Arnold, and also the "presentment" of Gorton by the Grand Jury. These were 
probably not designed for publication at first. The second division of the book, consists 
of the narrative concerning Gorton, and was probably written in England, after noticing 
the appearance of Gorton's book. It commences as follows, differing a little, it will be 
noticed, from the commencement of the MS. here published. 

" A partievlar Answer to the Manifold Slanders and abominable Falsehoods contained 
in a Book, called Simplicities defence a;/ainst seren-headed policy : Wherein Samuel Gorton 
is proved a disturber of Civill Societies, desperately dangerous to his Country-men the 
English in New- Engl, and notoriously slanderous in what he hath Printed of them." 

"When first I entertained the desires of the Countrey to come over to answer the com- 
plaints of Samuel Gorton, * * * * I little thought then to have appeared in print: but 



24 Notice of Samuel Gorton. 

ceuid him & his famely in to his house w l much humilety & christian 
Respeck, promising him as free use of it as him self: but gorton becomming 
trublesom, after meanes vsed to Remoue y" ofences taken by Mr Smith, but 
to no purpose, Grouing still more insolent, Mr Smyth desired him to 
prouid elcewhere for himself: but Gorton Refused sayeing bee had as good 
intrist in the house as Mr Smith had : and when hee was brought before 
authorety stoutly maintained it to our amasment, but was to depart by ordere, 
& to prouid other ways for him self by a time apointed. and not long after 
there cam a woman of his aquaintance to plymoth, diuers came to the 
Gouroer with complaints against her, being a stranger, for vnworthy &. 
ofenciue speeches and carregis vsed by her : where upon y e Gourner sent 
to her to know her businesse, & comanded her departure, & ordered y e 
seaman that brought her to Return her to y e place from whence shee came, 
at his next passage thither : but Gorton sayd shee should not goe, for hee 
had ocasion to employ her : where upon y c Gourner sent for him, it being 
in y e time of a court, & becaus hee had hidde her, stood in Justification of 
his practise, & Refused to obaye y e comand of the court, who seconded y e 
Gourners order, hee was comitted till hee could procure surties for his good 
behauior till y e next Court, wluch was a Ginorall Court, & there to answer 
this contempt, y' time being come & y e Court set, gorton was called : but 
y e Gouerner being wearied with speech to other cases, Requested one of his 
asistants y' was present at his Comitent, and priuey to y e whoal caus, to 

comming into England, and finding a Booke written by Mr. Gorton called Simplicities 
defence against seven-headed Policy : * * # I then conceived my self bound in duty to 
take off the many gross and publike scandalls held forth therein," &c. 

The third division of the work has no reference to the Gorton controversy. This part 
has been republished bv Dr. Young, in his " Chronicles of the Pilgrims." 



Notice of Samuel Gorton. 25 

declare y" same, this assistant no sooner beegane to show y* Countrey y e 
caus of his bonds in y e great affront liee had given y e gouerment, but 
Gorton stretching out his hand towards his face, sayd with a loud voyce, 
if Sathan will accuse y c brethren let him come downe from Jehoshuahs 
Right hand & stand here : and y' done in a seditious manner turned him 
self to y e peopele and sayd, with his amies spread abroad, ye see good 
peopele how ye are abused, stand for your liberty, & lett them not bee 
partys & Judges, with many other oprobrious speches of that kind, here 
upon diuers peopel* being present, desired leaue of y e Gouernor to speake, 
complayning of his seditious carriag. & requested the Court not to suffer 
these abucesses, but to inflict eondigen punishment : & yet notwithstanding, all 
wee did to him was but to take the forfiture of his foresayd bonds for his 
good behauior : nay being but low & poor in his estate, wee took not 
a boue 8 or 10 pound of it, least it might lye to heauey upon his wife. & 
children : but he must either geet new surties for his behauiour tell y e next 
ginorall Court, or till shuch time as hee departed y" Gouerment, or lye in 
prison till he could, now hee knowing his outragious passions w c h hee could 
not restrain, hee procured surties : but eiiiedatley left plymouth & went to 
Rhod Island, where vpon complaynt of oucr persicecution, hee found present 
Reliefe there : yet soon afterward hee abused them in a greater measuer, & 
had heauior yet too lite a punishment inflicted on him : & all for breach of 
the Siuell peace & notorious contempt of athorcty. with out y e least mention 
of aney points of religon on the Gournments part but as before. 

Whereast hee complayns of beig denied cohabitation, & ofwhippig, con- 
finement, Imprisonment, fines & banishment, I confesse all these things befell 

* Winslow says: "divers elders of Churches." 

t The passage in Winslow is, " But whereas hee tels us in the same pag of den) iug 
cohabitation, and of whippings, confinement, imprisonment^ chains, fnes, banishment. I 

7 



26 Notice of Samuel Gorton. 

him, & most Justly to; for hee was bound to y e good behauiour at plymouth, & 
brooke his bonds in y e face of the Court. *§ From plymouth hee went to Rhod 
Hand, & there hee had entertainment, beccaus hee made them beleeue that 
hee was persecuted for his Religon at plymouth : but hee quiekley shewed 
them what Religon hee had beene of at plymoth, and was more turbelant 
and insolent there then hee had beene at Plymouth : in so much that hee was 
apperahended for his insolent & turbelent laciuious beehauior. Mr Codington 
being then Gournour, &. Mr Eston deputey Gourner, Gorton was brougt 
before y* Court, and there hee abused y e gourner§, & told him that hee 
knew not where his ears stood, & charged him to bee a man vnfitt to make a 
warrant: [7] the sayd gorton charged y e Court for wresting witnesses, in 
this expression : I professe you wrest witnesses : [8] y e s d gorton called a 
free man in open Court saueey boy & jack an apes : and sayd y e woman 
that was vpon heer oath would not speake against her mother although 
shee were darned wher shee stood : [9] y° sayd gorton afirmed that Mr 
Easton behaued himself not like a Judg : & that himself was charged either 
bacely or falsly : [10] y e sd gorton sayd to y e bench, ye in trud oaths and 
goe about to catch mee: [1 1 ] y c sayd gorton being reproued for his miscarriage, 
held up his hand, & with extremely of speach shook his hand at them, in so 
much that y c freemen present sayd hee threatens y e Court: [12] y° sayd 
gorton charged y e Court with acting y e second part of plimouth magistrate, 
who as hee said condemned him in y' chimney corer [corner] eare thay 
heard him speak: [13] y* said gorton in open Court did professe to mayn- 

confesse all these things befell him, ami mostjustly : for hee was bound to the good behaviour 
at Plimouth, and brooke his bonds in the face of the court, whipt & banished at lioade 
Island for mutinie and sedition in the open Court there : also at Providence as factious 
there though his party grew greater than Mr. Williams his better party, as appeares bv his 
and their sad letters to the Government of the Masssachusett for helpe and advice," &c. 
* The passage between § § not in Winslow. 



Notice of Samuel Gorton. 27 

tain y e quarell of another being his maid seruant: [14] y e sd gorton being 
coraanded to prison emperiousely resisted y e iithoraty & made open procela- 
mation, sayeing, take away Codington & carrey liim to prison : the gouerner 
s d , all you y' owe y e king, take away gorton & carrer him to prison : 
gorton Replyed, all you that doe owne y e king, take away Coddington and 
carry him to y e prison.* William diar secretary. t§And so thay whiped him 
and banished him ; and so gorton left Rhod Hand with Two other men 
wickes &c houlden, who were full as bad as him self or worce, and so went 

*These are a part of the charges brought against Gorton by the Grand Jury at Ports- 
mouth, R. I. I give the remainder from Winslow. An explanation of this " presentment." 
will be found on page 219 from the same book. 

" The Sum of the Presentment of Samuel Gorton at Portsmouth in Rhoade Island, by the 
Grand Jury : 

" First, that Samuel Gorton certaine dayes before his appearance at this Court, sayd, the 
Government was such as was not to bee subjected unto, forasmuch as it had not a true 
derivation, because it was altered from what it first was. 

" 2. That Samuel Gorton contumeliously reproached the Magistrates calling them Just 
Asses. 

" 3. That the said Gorton reproachfully called the Judges, or some of the Justices on the 
Bench (corrupt Judges) in open Court. 

" 4. That the said Gorton questioned the Court for making him to waite on them two 
dayes formerly, and that now hee would know whether hee should bee tryed in an hostile 
way, or by Law, or in Sobriety. 

" 5. The said Gorton alledged in open Court, that hee looked at the Magistrates as Law- 
yers, and called Mr Easton, Lawyer Easton. 

"6. The said Gorton charged the Deputy Governour to bee an Abetter of a Riot, Assault, 
or Battery, and professed that he would not touch him, no not with a pair of tongues : 
[tongs] Moreover he said, I know not whether thou hast any eares or no : as also, I think 
thou knowest not where thy ears stand, and charged him to be a man unfit to make a 
Warrant." 

t The passage between $ § not in Winslow. 



28 Notice of Samuel Gorton. 

to l'roidenee. and there gorton & weekcs & houlden increased there 
turbclent and insolent company : in so much that y e towne of Prouidence 
were forced to send a petiton to y° massachsets for aydc a gainst them 
which is as folloueth§. 

prouidence this 17 of Nouemher, anno : 1641 — to y° honered gournour 
of massaehussets to gethcr with y* worshipful] assistants &our loueing neigh- 
bours there : wee y e inhabitanec of the towne abouc sayd, haueing fairo 
occassions, counted it meet &. necessary to giue you true intillegence of y e 
insolent and riotous carriages of Samuell gorton & his company, which 
came from aquednick, w c h continue still as soiourners amongest vs, together 
with John greene & fracis weston, two w c h hauc this long time stood in 
opposition against vs & against y e fairest and most just and honest ways of 
procedings in order & Gournmcnt, that wee could Rightly and truly use for 
y e peaceable preservation & quiet subsitance of our selues and famelys, or 
any that should haue faire occasion to goe out or come in amongst us. all so 
six or seuen of our Townsmen w c h were in peaceable Coucnants with us, 
w c h now by there declamations doe cut them selues off from us, & Jointly 
under their hands haue openly proclaimed to take party with y° afore named 
companeys : & so intend, for offte we know or can gather, to haue no 
manner of hones [t] order or gouernment either oner them or amongst them, 
as their writings, words, and actions doe most plainly shew : it would bee 
tedious to Relate y e numberlesse number of their upbraiding taunts, assaults. 
& threats, & violent kinde of carriage dayly practised against all that either 
with care or counsel] seek to preuent or withstand their lewd lycentious 
courses : yet in briefe to comit some few of them to your moderate iudgments, 
lest wee our selues should bee deemed some way blinded in y* occurrence, 
of things, here is a true copy of their writing inclosed, w'h frauds weston 
gaue us y e 13 th of this present month: thay haueing also set up a cope} <>f 
y* same on a tree in y e street, insteed of satisiaction for li) pounds, which DJ 



Notice of Samuel Gorton. 29 

way of arbetration of 8 men orderly chosen, & all causes & reasons that 
could bee found dayley & truly examined & considred jointly together, 
when hee y e said francis weston was found liable to paye or make satisfac- 
tion in cattell or commodites. but one y e 15 of this present month, when wee 
went orderly, openly, & in a warrantable way, to attach some of y" said 
francis westons cattell, to driue them to y e pound, to make him if it were 
possible to make satisfaction, w c h Samuell gorton & his company getting 
notice of, came & quarled with us in y e street, & made a tumultuous 
hubbub ; & all though for our parts wee had before hand most principally 
armed our selues with patinee peaceably to suffer as much iniury as could 
possabely bee born to preuent all sheding of blood, yet some few drops of 
blood were spilt on boath sids : & after y e tumult was partely appeased, 
& that wee went on orderly in to y e corne feild to driue the said cattell, y* 
said frances weston came furiously Running with a nayall in his hand, 
& cryed out help Sirs, help Sirs, thay are goeing to steale my cattell : & 
so continued crying till Randall houldon, John greene, & some others came 
riming & made a great out cry & hollowing, and crying theeues, theeues, 
stealing cattell, stealing cattell : & so y e whole nomber of there desprat 
company came riotously riming, & so with much striuing in driuing, hurried 
away y e cattell: & then presumptuously answred thay had made a rescue, 
&. that such should bee their practise if any men, at any time, in any case, 
attach any thing that is theirs. & fully to relat y e least part of their shuch 
like words & actions, y e time & paper would scarce bee profitably spent; 
neither need wee to aduis your descretions what is likely to bee y e sad euents 
of these disorders, if there bloody currants bee not either stopped or turned 
some other way : for it is plaine to us that if men should continue to resist 
all manner of order & orderly answering one of another in different cases, 
thay will suddenly practise not onely cuningly to detain things one from 

s 



30 Notice of Samuel Gorton. 

another, but openly in publike iustlyor uniustely according to their owne wills, 
disorderly take what thay can come by, first pleadeing necessitey or to 
maintaine wife & famely; but afterwards boldely to maintaine licentious 
lust like sauage brute beasts, thay will put, no manner of differance betweene 
houses, lands, goods, wiues, Hues, blood, nor any thing will bee precious in their 
eyes. If it may therefore please you of gentle curtesie & for y e prcseruation 
of humanity Sc mankind, to consider our condition and lend us a neighbour 
like helping hand, & send us such assistance (our necessity vrging us to bee 
trublesom vnto you) to help vs to bring them to satisfaction, & ease vs of 
our burden of them at your discretions : wee shall euer more owne it as a 
deed of great Charity, & take it verey thankfully, & diligently labour in y° 
best measure wee can, & constantly practise to Requite your louing kinde- 
nesse, if you should haue occasion to command us or any of us in any lawful! 
desine : & if it shall please you to send us any speedey answer, wee shall 
take it uerey kindly & bee readey & will[ing] to satisfie the messengers 
and euer remayne * 

your louing neighbours and 
Joshuah Winser respectiue frinds 

benedict Arnold William field Thomas harris 

William man f William harris Thomas hopkens 

William haukigs + William Wiekendon hugh bluit || 

Robart West § William Reinolds William Carpenter 

•This letter is published in the Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. I., Third Series, p. 2. 
t - ' William Mean." — Winslow. 

}•' William W. Hunkinges."— Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. I, Third Scries, page 4. "William 
Hawkingt." — Winslow. 
'. " Robert R. West."— Mass. Hist. Coll. 
||"Hugh Bewitt.'— Ibid. "Hugh Bcnnit."— Winslow. 



Notice of Samuel Gorton. 31 

Mr Roger Williams his letter vnto Mr Winthrop concerning Samuell 
Gorton: prouidence y'. 8™ 1640. * 

Mr Gorton hauing foully abused both high & low at aquednick, is now 
bewiehing & madding poor prouidence, both with his vnclean & foule 
sensurs of all y" ministers of this Countrey, for w c h my self haue in Christs 
name withstood him : & allso denying all vizable & extarnall ordinances, 
in depth of familisme, against w c h I haue a littell disputed & writen, & shall 
y e most high asisting mee to death ; as paul said of asia, & I of 
prouidence. (allmost) all suck in his poyson as at first thay did at aquednick : 
sume few & my self doe withstand his inhabitation and towne priuelidges 
without confession & reformation of his vnsiuell & inhuman practises at 
Portsmouth : yet y" tyde is to strong a gainst vs, & I fear if y e framer of 
hearts help not it will force mee to littell patincef, a littell iland next to your 
prudence. Jehoua himself bee pleased to bee a saintuarey to all whose 
hearts are perfect with him ; in him I desiar vnfainedly to bee 
Your worships true & afectionate 

Roger Williams. 

Prouidence y e 25 of y" 3 month, 1641. 

To y e rest of y e fiue men appointed to manedg y e affaires of our Towne.J 
— I doe not onely approue of what my neighbours before mee haue written 
& derected their reasons to a serious consideration with vs concerning 
Samuell Gorton & his companey ; but this much I say y' it is allso euident & 

*Winslow has the date of this letter thus : "Providence 8. 1st IG40.' If the Sth of the 
first month is intended, it would be the Sth of March, 1641, N. S. 

t " Patience," and ' : Prudence," are the names of two islands in Narragansett Bay. 
J" Of our Towne aforesaid, These are furthtr to giee you to understand; viz. That J doe," 

&C. — WlNSLOW. 



32 Notice of Samuel Gorton. 

may easely bee proucd, y l y e sayd gorton nor his company are not fitt 
persons to bee receuid in & made members of such a body in so weake a 
state as our towne is in at present, my reasons are, first, Samuell gorton 
hauing shewed him self an insolent, railing, & turbulent person, not onely in 
& against those states of gouernment from whence hee came, as is to bee 
proued, but all so here in this towne since hee haue soiourned in this towne,* 
in such an inhuman bchauiour as becoms not a man y' should bee thought 
to bee fit by any reasonable men to bee receiued in to shuch a poor weak state 
as wee are in at present. 

Secondly: another of his company, one who is much in esteem with him, 
who openly in a scornfully & deriding maner seeing one of the fiue men y' 
was chosen by y e town & betrusted in y c towne afaires, coming towards him 
in y° streat, hee askeid of one y' stood by him who that was : y e other 
answred him it was one of y e fiue men appointed for managing of our towne 
affaires: yea sayd he, hee looks like one of y c fiue ; w c h words import not 
onely a scorning & deriding of his person of whom then hee spake, but allso 
a despising & scorning of our siuill state, as it were trampeling it vnder foot, 
as thay had done before to other stats before thay came hither, who were of 



* There are passages in this letter in Winslow's hook, not found in the MS. It there 
reads, p. 59, " Since hee have soiourned hen ," and then adds, " Witnesse his proud chal- 
lenge, and his upbraiding accusations in his vilifyings and opprobrious terms of and 
against one of our Combination most wrathfully and shamelesly reviling him, and 
disturbing of him, and meddling with him, who was imploved and busied in other private 
occasions, having no just cause so to revile and abuse him. saving also to him (and that 
of another state) in a base manner, they were like swine that held out their Nose to suck 
his blood, and that now hee and the rest of his Company would goc and wallow in it also ; 
which are indeed words insufferable ; and also dcspitefully calling him Boy, as though hee 
would have challenged the Geld of him : in such an inhuman behaviour," &c. 



Notice of Samuel Gorton. 33 

greater strength then wee are : for which cause I cannot see shuch persons 
to bee fitt to bee reciued into such a weke state as our towne is in at present. 

Thirdly : I cannot finde these men to bee reasonable men in their suite 
vnto y° Towne to be receiued in as townes men, seeing thay haue all redey 
had a playn deniall of their request & that by y e consent of the maior part 
of ye towne*, & are yet vnanswerable : and also y' thay seeing y' their 
coming to our towne hath brought y e towne into a hurrey, all most y° one 
halfe against y e other ; in w c h estate no towne or sitty can well stand or 
subsist, which declareth playnely vnto vs y' their intent is not good, but y' 
their aboad so long hear amongst vs is in hope to geet y e victrey ouer one 
part of y e towne ; but especialy of those y l layd y e first foundation of y e place 
& bought it euen almost with y" lost of there liues & estates ; and after- 
wards to trampel them vnder their feet as some of their words hold forth, or 
else to driue them out in to y e same condition to seek out a new prouidence, 
& to buy it with y° like hardness as thay first bought this place, these & 
many other like reasons y' may be showed doe declare y' thay are not fitt 
persons to be receiued in to our mean & weake estate. 

Fourthly : & seeing hee who is so well knowne to bee y e ring leader vnto y c 
breach of peace, y' haue been so notoriously euill to bee a truble of all siuill 
stats where hee hath liued, y' are of farre greater fore then wee are of; 
especaly y' state who haue their comission from y e higher powers with 
athoraty ; what may wee then expect if hee could geet him self in with & 
amongst vs, where are so many as wee see are dayly redey to tread vs vnder 
their feet, whome hee calles his frinds : & surely first a breach of our 
siuill peace and next a ruine of all such as are not of his side, as their 
dayly practise doth declare : ergo, thay are not fitt persons to be receiued 
in to our towne. 

* " Major part of the Towne, or very near." &c. — Winslow. 

9 



34 Notice of Samuel Gorton. 

if it be obiected as some haue blasphemously sayd, that wee are persecu 
tors & doe persecute y e saints in not rcceiuing of them in to our towne fellow- 
ship ; to this I answer, there cannot be proued y e least shew of any parse- 
cution of those persons cither by vs or any other amongest vs* : for first thay 
haue quiet abode amongest vs, none molesting of them nor any thing thay 
haue. it canot be proued but by their owne relation y e w e h hath been dis- 
prouid, that thay were sent out from those places from whence thay cam 
for Religon ; nither are thay medled with here for any such matter ; but 
thay them selues in their insolet behauiour are more reddey to meddle & to 
desturb others : thay & others of their company & followers haue rather 
been troublers & persecutors of the saints of God y' liued here before any 
of them came : and thay doe but waite their oppertunity to make them selues 
manifest in y l thay doe intend, ergo, it cannot be truly sayd that any per- 
secution is or haue been offered by vs vnto them, if it could possibly bee 
sayd of them y' thay are Saints.f and seeing thay doe but linger out y c time 

* Amongst us, " to our knowledge." — Winslow. 

t After Saints, the following is added from Winslow, p. CI. " Obj : But if it be further 
objected, that wee doe not give them the liberty of men, neither doe wee afford them the 
bowells of mercy, to give them the means of livelihood amongst us, as some have said. 

"Answ To this I say : 1, there is no State but in the first place will secke to preserve its 
ownc safety and peace. 

" 2 Wee cannot give land to any person by vertuc of our combination, except wee first 
receive them in to onr state of combination, the which wee cannot doe with them for our 
owne and others peace-sake, &c. 

" 3 Whereas their necessity have been so much pleaded, it is not knowne that ever they 
sought to finde out a place where they might accommodate themselves , and live by themselves, 
with their friends, and such as will follow after them, where they may use their liberty to 
live without order or controule, and not to trouble us, that have taken the same course as 
wee have done for our safety and peace, which they doe not approue nor like of, but rather 
like beasts in the shape of men to doe what they shall think fit in their owne eyes, and will 
not be governed by any state. And seeing they doe." &c. 



Notice of Samuel Gorton. 35 

here in hope to gett y° day to make up their penyworth in advantage vpon 
vs, wee haue iust cause to hear y e complaynts of so maney of our neigbours 
y' Hue in y e towne orderly amongest vs, and haue brought in their complaynts 
with maney reasons against them not to admite them, but answer them as 
unfitt persons to be receiued in to our poor & meane estate.* 

William Arnold. 

§ So now there was one Robart Coles and John Greene who were Two 
of y e 13 purchisers of pautuxet lands ; Robart Coles being a fauerrit of 
gortons gaue him half of his udeuided lands at pautuxet, & John Greene 
one of his chiefe prossolightes gaue gorton half of his deuided lands at pau- 
tuxet. so by uertue of those gifts, gorton & many of his companey went & 
built houses at papaquinepaug in pautuxet purchis ; & gorton & his compa- 
ney perceued y' pautuxet mens deeds from myantenomy to bee weeke, 
thay bought patuxet lands againe ouer y e heades of those men that had 
dwelt there 3 or 4 year before, who had bought y e sayd lands of socannan- 
oco y e true howner and sachim of pautuxet lands — but gorton & his com- 
paney who becomming as bad and insolent & turblent as him self, and so 
thay beeganne to warne William Arnold & William Carpenter that had 
dwelt there 4 year before thay came there, that thay should begone or else 
thay must be there tennants : & much other wiked & insolent behauior, 
insomuch that William Arnold and Carpenter were forced to subiect them 

*" Now if these Reasons and much more which have been truly said of them, doe not 
satisfie yon, and the rest of our neighbours, but that they must be received into our Town- 
state, even unto our utter overthrow, &c. then according to the order agreed upon by the 
Towne, I doe first offer my house and land within the liberty of the Towne unto the Towne 
to bye it of mee, or else I may, and shall take liberty to sell it to whom I may for mine 
advantage, &c." — Winslow, p. 62. 



36 Notice of Samuel Gorton. 

selucs to y c masachusets : and Robart Coles who had giuen gorton half his 
vndcuided land at pautuxet, perceuid that hce was like to loose all, hee 
Jojned with William Arnold & William Carpenter & so subiected them 
selues and their lands to y° Gouernment of y e mashatuset together, but 
gorton & his company grewe more insollent & wicked then euer thay 
were, insomuch that those 3 men made there complaint & puttitioned the 
massatusets for help & sucker against them, where upon y° Gouernor & 
asista[nts] of y c massachusets sent a warrant vnto gorton & his companey in 
this manner as followeth : § * Where as william arnold and Robart Coles 
& others haue lately put themselues & their famelies lands & estates vnder y° 
protection & Gouernment of this Jurysdiction, & haue since complained to vs, 
That you haue vpon pretence of a late purchise from y c Indians you goef about 
to depriue them of their lawfull intrist confirmed by 4 years posession & oth- 
erwise to molest them : we thought good therefore to wright to you on their 
behalfe to giue you notice that thay & their lands being vnder our Jurisdic- 
tion, we are to maintayne them in their lawfull Rights, if therefore you 
haue any Just titell to any thing thay possesse, you may proceed againest 
them in our court, where you shall haue equall Justice : but if you shall pro- 
seed to any violence, you must not blame vs if we shall take a like course to 
right themj — John winthrop 

gourener 

Thorn dudely 
y"! 28. of y c . 8* m — 1642 — Ri — bellingham 

Incr : nowell 

* The passage between § § not in Winslow. 

t " That you have upon pretence &c. gone about to deprive them," &e. Simplicities 
Defence, p. 6. 
t This " warrant " may also be found in Gorton's " Simplicities Defence," p. C, first ed. 



Notice of Samuel Gorton. 37 

The following, from pages 51 to 54 of Winslow's Reply to Gorton, is 
probably from the pen of Winslow. It was prefixed, by way of explanation, 
to some documents furnished him by the Massachusetts Government against 
Gorton. 

" The Publisher to the Reader. 

The reason wherefore nothing is answered to the great charge in his volu- 
minous Postscript, is because it hath beene answered already by a former 
treatise printed: but more especially because many of the friends, children and 
kindred of the dead are in good esteeme with us, whom I am loth to grieve. 

But since by course thou art next to cast thine eye Gentle Reader upon 
the summe of a Presentment which the Court at Road Iland received from 
their Grand Jewry being present when Samuel Gorton had so much abused 
their Government in the face of the country, yea in open court, their owne 
eyes & eares bearing witness thereunto they I say presented these abuses to 
the court, as such which they conceive ought not to bee borne without ruine to 
their Government, and therefore besought the bench to thinke of some one 
punishment for examples sake as well as otherwise to bee inflicted on the 
Delinquent. 

And therefore that thou maist see the occasion thereof, take notice that 
an ancient woman having a Cow going in the field where Samuel Gorton had 
some land. This woman fetching out her Cow, Gortons servant maid fell 
violently upon the woman beating and notoriously abusing her by tearing 
her haire about her, whereupon the old woman complaining to the Deputy 
Governour of the place, bee sendeth for the maid, and upon hearing the 
cause, bound her over to the Court. The time being come and the Court set, 
Gorton appeares himselfe in the defence of his maid, and would not suffer his 
maid to appeare or make answer, but said expressly she should not appeare, 
and that if they had any thing against her they should proceed with him. 
And though hee was lovingly disswaded by some of the Bench not to engage 

10 



38 Notice of Samuel Gorton. 

himselfe but let his maid appeare, yet hee refused : but when hee could not 
bee prevailed with, the action was called and witnessnes produced, sworne, 
and examined : which being done, hee moved for another witnesse to bee 
called, which hee perswaded himselfe and the Bench was an honest woman 
and would speake the truth. Now shee being sworne, said, Mr. Gorton, I 
can speake nothing will helpe your maid. And indeed her whole testimony 
was against her and for the old womens cause, whereupon hee openly said, 
Take heed thou wicked woman, the earth doth not open and swallow thee 
up. And then hee demanded of the Court if hee should have equity and 
justice in his cause or no ? To which was answered, if he had either plea 
or evidence to produce in his maids cause it should be heard. Then hee 
nominated one Weekes who could say something to it. Weekes was called 
and required to take his oath before hee spake ; at which Gorton and Weekes 
both of them jeered and laughed and told the Court they were skilled in 
Idols, and that was one, and stood stoutly a long time to make it good. Here- 
upon some of the Court put him in mind how they had forewarned him of 
such carriages fearing he would fall into some extreames. At length the 
Governour gathering up the summe of what was witnessed, commends it to 
the Jewry. At which time Gorton said, the Court had perverted justice and 
wrested the witnesses, with very many high and reproachfull termes ; and in 
the midst of his violence throwing his hands about, hee touched the Deputy 
Governour with his handkerchiefe buttons about his eares (who it seemes 
sate at a Table with his backe towards him) whereupon the Deputy said, 
what will you fall about my ears? To which Gorton answered I know not 
whether you have any eares or no ? and if you have I know not where they 
stand ; but I will not touch them with a paire of Tongues, [tongs] The Gov- 
ernour after calling upon the Jewry to attend the Cause, was as often 
interrupted by him. Whereupon many of their Freeman being present, 
desired the Court they would not suffer such insolencies, professing they 



Notice of Samuel Gorton. 39 

were troubled the Court had borne with them so long. For which in briefe, 
he was committed, but when the Governour bade the Marshall take him away ; 
he bade take away Coddington, which was their Governour's name : a thing I 
thought meet to explaine, lest thou shouldst not understand it by the Heads 
of the Presentment here following, abusing all and every particular of the 
Magistrates with opprobrious terms. But note when hee was comitted 
upon his mutinous and seditious speeches, Weekes, Holden, &c. his abettors, 
stopped the way with such insolency, as the Governour was forced to rise from 
the Bench, to helpe forward the Command with his person, in clearing the 
way, put Weeks in the stocks, and was forced to command a guard of armed 
men to preserve themselves and the peace of the place : And this they did 
because of some fore-going jealousies ; and now taking occasion to search the 
houses of that party that adhered to him, they found many of their peeces 
laden with bullet : and by meanes hereof they were forced to continue their 
guard, whilst upon their banishment they were forced from the Island. 

And however it were enough for a Book alone to relate all the particulars 
of his insolent carriage, yet take notice onely of two or three particulars : 1, 
When hee was censured to bee whipt and banished, he appealed to 
England; they asked him to whom? Hee said with a loud voice, To King 
Charles. They told him, hee should first have his punishment, and then 
afterwards hee might complain. To which hee replyed, take notice I appeale 
to King Charles, Casio, or Selah ; the party who was present told mee hee 
could not tell which, but that word was spoken with an extraordinary high 
and loud voice. 

A second thing to be observed, was, that after hee had been so deservedly 
whipt, some of his faction said, Now Christ Jesus had suffered. 

And thirdly, although the weather was very cold, the Gov. going away af- 
ter execution of Justice upon him, yet he ran a good way after the Governour 



40 Notice of Samuel Gorton. 

drawing a cbaine after one of his legs, the upper part of his body being still 
naked, and tcld him, He had but lent him this, and bee should surely have it 
again. All this I bad from a man of very good repute, who then lived with 
them, and was an eye Sc earc witnesse to all these proceedings. 

In the next place take notice good Reader, that when he went from 
hence well whipt, as before, and entred upon his banishment, the place bee 
went to (in a sharp season) was a Town called Providence, where Mr Roger 
Williams, & divers others lived, who in regard of the season, entertained 
them with much humane curtesie, but the Gortonians answered all like 
^Lsops snake, as thou maist read by the severall Letters of the chief 
Inhabitants of that place, by a notorious faction there also by them raised, 
to the great distraction and amazement of the Inhabitants, as appeareth by 
their dolefull complaints in their own Letters, a true Copy whereof I present 
unto thee." 

The following letter of Governor Coddington to Governor Winthrop, from 
the original now before me, has never, to my knowledge, been printed. It 
will be perceived, that it deserves a place in this connection. The copy of 
the record alluded to, has reference without doubt, to the proceedings 
against Gorton, which we have here published in full. I have taken the 
liberty to punctuate the letter in a few places. Gorton, at the date of this 
letter, was probably in England. 

" Honnered S r 

I thought meet to informe yo w that yo r sonn m r John & all his, Depted from 
o' Island of the 3 day in the morneing arely, the wynd being not good to 
Carye them further then block Island, but of the 4 Day in the morneing it 
was very good, so y* I Doubt not they were all safely arriued before the 



Notice of Samuel Gorton. 41 

Storrae begane : by whome I receaued yo' letr of the 21 of the 8.46. for 
Gorton & bis Companye they are to me as ever they haue bene, their free- 
Dom of the Island is Dennyed, & was when I accepted of the place I nowe 
beare. the Coinishoners haue Joyned them in the same Charter, tho we 
mentayne the Goverm" as before, to further that end yo w write of, I sent to 
M r Cotton to be Deliuered to M r Elott, y' requested it, w' was entered upon 
record under the Seceretaryes hand, w c h I Doe think yo w may Doe well to 
mak vse of, because I heare it sinkes most w" 1 the Earle, wher they had 
libertie of consyence. M. r Petters writes in y' yo w sent to yo r sonn, y' yo w 
psecute. & soe in hast I rest, not Doubting as accatione serves to approue my 
self. Yo ra ever 

Newport Nou'. W m Coddington 

11.1646. 



my purposse is er long to come in to the baye. I Desire to be rembered to 
all y' remember me." 

[Superscribed] 
To his honnered frind 
John "Winthrop Esq 
Go' of the Massachusets p m' Robt Jefferye 



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